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Gay-Rights Legislation: Will the President Use His Veto?
By Oriol R. Gutierrez Jr.
December 08, 2006
Seven states passed anti-same-sex
marriage initiatives during the November election. There now are only four
states—Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York and New Mexico—that do not have
either a state constitutional amendment or a state law that restricts marriage
to one man and one woman.
That statistic may seem to support
the assertion that an overwhelming majority of Americans reject civil rights for
lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. However, that assertion is
far from accurate.
The newly elected Democratic
majorities in the House of Representatives and the Senate next year are expected
to approve hate-crimes legislation against LGBT victims. Further, Congress may
even pass employment nondiscrimination legislation protecting LGBT
employees.
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From the Boy Scouts and the U.S. military to marriage and adoption, the gay
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The
hate-crimes bill has a "very good chance of going to George Bush's desk ... in
the first half of the year," Rep. Barney Frank, D-Mass., who is openly gay, told
the Los
Angeles Times.
More
than 100 organizations nationwide support the hate-crimes bill, including
political groups such as the U.S. Conference of Mayors and law-enforcement
groups such as the National Sheriffs' Association. It would provide local law
enforcement with federal funding.
It
was introduced after the well-publicized 1998 murder of Matthew Shepard, an
openly gay young man who was brutally assaulted near
Laramie,
Wyo., and
strapped to a barbed-wire fence overnight, which left him in a coma. He died
days later.
Known
as the Local Law Enforcement Enhancement Act (LLEA), the hate-crimes bill would
expand current law to include sexual orientation. It previously was approved by
the Republican-controlled Congress—three
times in the Senate and once in the House—but
it has never been sent to the president. The inclusion of gender identity and
expression into the current version has been advocated by some LGBT advocates,
but such language could make its passage more difficult.
The
employment nondiscrimination bill, known as the Employment Non-Discrimination
Act (ENDA), lost by one vote in the Senate in 1996. It has never been brought to
a vote in the House. It is currently legal to discriminate against LGBT
employees in 33 states.
"We
see blocking those pieces of legislation as one of our top priorities," said Tom
McClusky, a lobbyist for the Family Research Council, a conservative group, to
the Los Angeles Times. "We'll likely be relying on the president to
veto."
Will
President Bush use his veto power to block either bill? There is no clear answer
to that question, but he did comment on ENDA during a presidential debate in
2000. "I support equal rights but not special rights
for people," he said.
"It's
all been a sort of meaningless political posturing," said
Joe Solmonese, executive director of the Human Rights Campaign, an LGBT-advocacy
group, to the New York Sun.
"[The assertion of his veto is] always being said
with the knowledge it's never going to land on his desk. The equation has
changed entirely now."
Oriol R. Gutierrez Jr. is the
executive director of the DiversityInc
Foundation and president of the New
York chapter of the National Lesbian
& Gay Journalists Association. He was the managing editor of DiversityInc
Media. E-mail him at OGutierrez@DiversityInc.org.
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By George Chauncey |
Why Marriage?
The History Shaping Today's Debate Over Gay Equality
Why has marriage emerged as the most explosive issue in the gay struggle for equality?
The author shows the shifting attitudes toward gays, from the growth in acceptance to the many campaigns against gay rights that led to today's demand for a constitutional amendment. What's at stake for both sides is illuminated.
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